By Charles Ingrao, Thomas A. Emmert
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Additional info for Confronting the Yugoslav controversies : a scholars’ initiative
32 ◆ ANDREW WACHTEL AND CHRISTOPHER BENNETT In Belgrade, Milošević organized fresh and even larger rallies at which he promised that the organizers of Kosovo’s general strike would be punished. Once again, the federal authorities acquiesced. The resignations were withdrawn, a partial state of emergency imposed, and the military moved in. On 23 March, Kosovo’s assembly was coerced into accepting a new constitution returning authority to Serbia. Five days later, the Serbian parliament incorporated the constitutional changes to the status of Kosovo and Vojvodina into the Serbian constitution and introduced a new interpretation of the concept of sovereignty, that is sovereignty within the nation.
The power struggle within Serbia’s League of Communists came to a head at the eighth plenum in September 1987 when Milošević called for Pavlović’s expulsion. Milošević had prepared the ground well and came to the plenum with the backing of senior Communists for a return to strict party discipline before launching his final offensive. Like his meetings, the plenum was stage-managed, and Milošević was inundated with telegrams and messages of support from Serb Communists the length and breadth of Serbia, Kosovo, and Vojvodina.
By this point they were not so much concerned with the raw numbers of writers or texts included or even the language in which they were presented but rather the entire idea of whether a national core curriculum was necessary. ”34 Although less important for the weakening of the Yugoslav body politic in the period before the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the unofficial narratives of other groups in the state, including Bosnian Muslims and Kosovar Albanians, also contributed to the sense that Yugoslavia was a country in which centrifugal forces were becoming ever more powerful.