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Additional info for Communism, Nationalism and Ethnicity in Poland, 1944-50 (BASEES Routledge Series on Russian and East European Studies)
However, caution was necessary because Belarusian independence might well give rise to an all-Russian feeling, and thereby compromise Poland in relation to Russia. Knoll claimed that these feelings among the Belarusians were not noticeable, although data on the matter were insufficient. If the lack of any sentiment of separateness persisted, then eastern Poland should be treated as just a borderland area and should be incorporated fully into the Polish mainstream – that is, people of the borderland (‘proto’Belarusians) should be treated as Poles.
This shift can be understood as an attempt to distance the Party from secessionist demands in the west and north of Poland that could only be to the advantage of German nationalists and to Adolf Hitler’s regime, as well as the Party’s need to embrace as wide a spectrum of public opinion as possible in the fight against fascism, as demanded by the Comintern and, ultimately, Stalin. As Jakub Berman pointed out in 1984, the Comintern’s Seventh Congress in 1935 endorsed a people’s front (Berman in Torańska 1987: 283).
A little further on it proposed that in Eastern Galicia each army should stand on the line it occupied at the date of the armistice. 29 Ethnicity and nation 29 The Soviet rejection of the British proposals in late July 1920, and the subsequent defeat of the Red Army at the gates of Warsaw later that year, did not reduce the Curzon line to an historical curiosity. It enjoyed a strange halflife in the Western imagination, being mentioned in the British press and encyclopaedias, and virtually always being drawn in accordance with the telegram sent to Moscow, rather than in accordance with the line agreed by Poland.