By Alexander Maxwell
At the flip of the 19th century, Hungary used to be the positioning of a countrywide awakening. whereas Hungarian-speaking Hungarians sought to assimilate Hungary’s ethnic minorities right into a new proposal of nationhood, the country’s Slavs as a substitute imagined a proud multi-ethnic and multi-lingual nation whose electorate might freely use their local languages. The Slavs observed themselves as Hungarian voters conversing Pan-Slav and Czech dialects -- and but have been the origins of what might turn into within the 20th century a brand new Slovak country. How then did Slovak nationalism emerge from multi-ethnic Hungarian loyalism, Czechoslovakism and Pan-Slavism? right here Alexander Maxwell provides the tale of ways and why Slovakia got here to be.
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Additional resources for Choosing Slovakia: Slavic Hungary, the Czechoslovak Language and Accidental Nationalism (International Library of Political Studies)
The distinction between uhor/uher and maďar entered the Slovak language during the political conflicts of the Reform Era, and was developed in order to resist Magyarization. 35 This distinction allowed Slovaks to take pride in being uhri and praise their uhorský homeland, while rejecting maďarksý culture and Magyarization. Hungaro-Slavism was Uhorskoâ•‚Slavism. 36 Perhaps Michal Hodža provided clearest articulation of the Hungaro-Slavic idea in 1847: “The Slovak is just as good a Uhor as the Maďar.
68 Foreign policy failure caused the Bach regime to collapse. The 11 July 1859 treaty of Villafranca forced the Habsburg monarchy to cede Lombardy to France and Piedmont, destroying its hegemony in northern Italy. This defeat in Italy, combined with Prussian success in the perpetual scrimmage for influence in the German Confederation, led Franz Joseph to seek greater domestic support. He dismissed Bach, lifted restrictions on press freedom and, with the February Patent of 1861, created a parliament for the Empire.
110 Slovak disenfranchisement made political platforms irrelevant: Hungarian state institutions routinely refused to acknowledge legitimately elected representatives from ethnic minorities. 111 After Tisza’s fifteen-year rule ended, Hungary had a series of weak ministers who varied in their degree of hostility to non-Magyar nationalities. W. ”113 But even Széll described the Hungarians as conquering lords: “The Magyars have conquered this country for the Magyars and not for others. ” In the final years of the Habsburg monarchy, the Hungarian government remained extremely hostile to minority national aspirations.