By David Torrance
Used to be it easily a victory for worry over hope?
How did the higher jointly crusade come so on the subject of wasting it?
How did the definite crusade come so with regards to successful it?
What can the folks of Scotland – and different aspirant countries – research from this seismic democratic occasion? Scotland’s independence referendum on 18 September 2014 used to be the main major poll in Scotland’s historical past. The a hundred days as much as 18 September used to be the respectable crusade interval and the world’s media used to be looking at. David Torrance used to be there all through, in entrance of the cameras, at the radio, within the newspapers, on the debates and gatherings, aware about a few of the behind-the-scenes manoeuvrings.
A passionate federalist at center, defined disparagingly by way of the outgoing First Minister as ‘Tory-leaning’, Torrance made a valiant try to stay ‘professionally neutral’ all through. His observation and research because the crusade went via its many twists and turns used to be continually insightful, if no longer consistently popular.
'Reading this diary again in the course of the enhancing technique it used to be transparent that, like (Nate) Silver (the US polling guru whose view used to be that the convinced crusade had almost no probability of victory), I bought loads of issues improper (including the most probably margin of victory) but additionally many stuff greatly right. not less than i will plead, as reporters usually do, that i used to be most likely correct on the time.'
Read or Download 100 Days of Hope and Fear: How Scotland's Referendum was Lost and Won PDF
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Additional info for 100 Days of Hope and Fear: How Scotland's Referendum was Lost and Won
13 Kymlicka, Will: Politics in the Vernacular (Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Citizenship), Oxford University Press: Oxford and New York 2001, p. 39. 14 Kymlicka, Will: ‘Nation-building and Minority rights’, 2000, pp. 196–9. edu/entries/nationalism (accessed 15th February 2013). Theories of Multinational Federalism 35 be guaranteed? 16 Federalism provides such a form of cultural and territorial autonomy and offers the additional benefit of guaranteeing the inclusion of a given minority nation in decision-making at the (federal) state level.
207. 32 Ibid. pp. 212–13. 33 Ibid. p. 213. ’34 Therefore, it is important to point out that federalism provides neither an answer to all relevant questions in multinational states nor does its implementation lower the demand for further autonomy and secession. The “Canadian School” of Multinational Federalism35 The combination of Liberal Nationalist thinking and its practical application in a multinational federation was first discussed in Canada. 36 The first contribution develops out of the arguments of the Liberal Nationalism School.
P. 13. 107 Penrose, Jane: ‘Nations, States and Homelands: Territory and Territoriality in Nationalist Thought’, in: Nations and Nationalism, Vol. 8, No. 3, 2002, 277–97, here p. 284. 109 Multicultural states become multinational when the different cultural groups aspire for independent statehood. As a result of this aspiration, we can witness the establishment of different national identities within a state. 111 Indeed, neither the Sorbs, nor the Danish minority make Germany a multinational state.